We have recently seen a surge of leftists being nominated to run for office or actually winning offices in our beloved USA.  They support a range of policies that are fundamentally programmed to expand government’s role in providing various services to the public.  The policies supported include Medicare for All, an end to funding weapons for Israel, the abolition of prisons and ICE, and a halt to deportations.  Some support universal rent control, expansion of public housing, and public ownership (instead of mere regulation) of utilities.

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The supporters of these far-left policies call themselves Democratic Socialists, after their liar in chief, “Boynee” Sanders.  Since 2020, Sanders — who speaks with a pronounced Brooklyn accent and has a right hand that never stops wagging its fingers at whoever might be listening — moved to being mainstream or center stage in the Democrat party.  This move to prominence and influence happened in June of 2020, when he and the Biden camp signed off on a 110-page memorandum of understanding.  This MOU was a pact in which the Biden faction agreed to incorporate Sanders’s policies into the Democrat platform, which platform was a 90-page document that came out two months later.

This uniting with the Democratic Socialists was a reversal of the Democrat position taken by presidential candidate Harry Truman in 1947, when he refused to sign a pact with Henry Wallace, who represented the far left wing of the Democrats and who had even served as secretary of Commerce and V.P. for one term of FDR’s administration.  But Wallace was partial to Josef Stalin’s government, and FDR and Truman would have none of this canoodling with the far left.  Thus, Wallace ran separately for president as the Progressive candidate and did very poorly in 1948.

These so-called Democratic Socialists are really communists but hide behind the word “socialist” to diminish the sense of radical loss of freedom that the word “communism” denotes.  This can be seen clearly and was understood by communists running under the socialist label about 100 years ago.

Eugene V. Debs ran for president multiple times as a socialist.  Even in 1912, the word “socialism” did not seem as threatening as the word “communism.”  Yet, if we look at the socialist platform of that party, we find that the platform states, “It is this capitalist system that is responsible for the increasing burden of armaments, the poverty, slums, child labor, most of the insanity, crime and prostitution, and much of the disease that afflicts mankind.”  In addition, there is an entire section called “Collective Ownership,” which calls for “collective ownership and democratic management of railroads, wire and wireless telegraphs and telephones, express services, steamboat lines and all other social means of transportation and communication and of all large-scale industries.”  It also calls for the acquisition by “municipalities, the states or the federal government of all grain elevators, stock yards, storage warehouses, and other distributing agencies, in order to reduce the present extortionate cost of living as well as the public domain to include mines, quarries, oil wells, forests and water power.”  Further, the platform demands collective ownership and democratic management of the banking and currency system.

Sanders, AOC, and some of these other freaks, like the candidate with the Nazi tattoo on his chest, have their deepest allegiance to the communist ideology advanced by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in the mid-19th century.  Like the Socialist Party at the beginning of the 20th century, which tried to make itself more acceptable by not calling itself communist yet advanced explicitly communist goals, the present “socialists” are explicitly suggesting some radical positions while at the same time being a little more hidden than their brothers and sisters in arms were at the beginning of the 20th century.

FDR did not take the big step of calling for government ownership of the means of production.  However, he expanded government spending dramatically, advancing the idea that this would jump-start the economy.  Workers were not put in charge of the means of production in an alliance between the workers and government, as in communism, but the Wagner Act increased the legal authority and protections for unions to represent the interests of workers.  Priorities for agriculture were set and partial regulation by the AAA was put in place.

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Many commies thought FDR was taking more of a step-by-step approach toward communism than the Socialist Party advocated, but the selection of Harry S. Truman as V.P. and then as the Democrat party nominee instead of Wallace revealed that FDR’s pro-communist thinking had been exaggerated, overestimated.

But the modern radical communists saw and continue to see the Keynesian ideas of government involvement as half-measures to be overthrown by more radical action.  They follow communist ideologists like Antonio Gramsci; Rudi Dutschke (“the long march through the institutions”); and Saul Alinsky, who wrote, “What follows is for those who want to change the world from what it is to what they believe it should be.  The Prince was written by Machiavelli for the Haves on how to hold power.  Rules for Radicals [Alinsky’s book] is written for the Have-Nots on how to take it away.”

The radical communist scum who believe they know best about the “good of all” are mainly lost souls yearning for power so that they can produce the failures that every attempt at “communism” on the face of the Earth has produced.  They are all maneuvering to bypass the supply-demand curves that govern pricing in the economy.  They are seeking to bypass the idea that risk-taking — the basis of all entrepreneurial activity — must be rewarded in order to inspire souls to take those risks.

Selfishness does not disappear when one changes an economic system.  It is this writer’s view that selfishness increases its threat once it masquerades as unselfish concern for the welfare of all.  In fact, the ideology of unselfishness is the greatest disguise of all for selfishness.

During the 1990s, when the USSR collapsed and official communism dissolved, this writer had many students from the previous USSR who, with their families, had managed to migrate out of the formerly communist Russia and come to the USA.  Every single one of them without exception told the other students and myself that their moms or other siblings had to wait for hours in line to have some of their simplest food needs met.  And to be sure that when their turn in line finally came, they would not be sold a scrawny, underfed chicken, for example, they would have needed to bribe the butcher ahead of time.

When I transferred into that school in 1997, one of my colleagues said to me, “Communism might be over in the USSR, but it’s alive and well at this high school!”  Only prayerful dependence on Almighty God kept me from literally spitting in his face.

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