It’s ironic how the lies related to George Floyd’s death led to murder in Great Britain. They will probably finally lead to the ouster of Keir Starmer and the ravaging of the UK’s Labour Party which bought those lies and capitalized on them.
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George Floyd, a lifelong criminal and narcotic addict, died of fentanyl poisoning, but in a disgusting miscarriage of justice, his death while in custody was used to imprison innocent law enforcement officers, fund the crooked Black Lives Matter, and justify countless riots, which mostly harmed black citizens and put black-owned enterprises out of business.
Konstantin Kisin memorializes this mass derangement event:
Cast your mind back exactly 6 years. It is the summer of 2020 and Britain is undergoing what its commentariat breathlessly described as a “reckoning.” The murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer, thousands of miles away, sent hundreds of thousands of British people into the streets. As American cities burned, across the pond, statues were toppled. Multinational corporations issued groveling statements. Police officers — British police officers, in British cities, policing British people — took a knee before British protesters. So did Keir Starmer, then leader of the opposition and now prime minister. So did every major soccer team in the country. People were fired, companies changed, a new code of acceptable behavior was drawn up. Life in Britain changed, if not quite as much as it did across the Atlantic.
The message that was repeated endlessly by politicians, journalists, and institutions of every stripe was unambiguous: Racism kills, and we will do whatever it takes to make sure it never happens again.

A 28 Day Journey To Dismantle Your Inner White Supremacy. Sussex Police [Hampshire’s neighbor] Called It Leadership Training.
“Me and White Supremacy” by Layla F. Saad describes itself in its own words. It is a 28 day truth telling journey to guide people with white privilege to discover, examine, unpack and dismantle their inner white supremacy. It is a one of a kind resource for people with white privilege to do the internal personal work of anti-racism. Its purpose is to facilitate personal and collective change to dismantle the oppressive system of white supremacy.
This book was the basis for a Senior Officer Book Club within Sussex Police. According to the “It Starts With Me” annual report published on the Sussex Police and Crime Commissioner’s website, Sussex Police launched the book club to embed anti-racist thinking at the highest levels of leadership. Senior officers described it as one of the most impactful books they had ever read. [snip]
The strategic leadership of Sussex Police, the people responsible for the decisions that shape how the county is policed, were guided through a 28 day programme designed to make them discover, examine and dismantle their inner white supremacy. Not their unconscious bias. Not their cultural assumptions. Their inner white supremacy. Those are the book’s own words.
The founding philosophy of British policing could not be more different. Sir Robert Peel established the Metropolitan Police in 1829 on a principle that has guided every officer since. The police seek and preserve public favour not by catering to public opinion but by constantly demonstrating absolute impartial service to the law. [snip] That principle has nothing to say about white privilege, inner white supremacy or dismantling oppressive systems. It has everything to say about treating every citizen equally before the law.
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The Sussex Police book club is not an isolated initiative. It sits alongside the Metropolitan Police document that informs officers that neutrality is a myth and that their whiteness prevents impartiality. The NPCC [National Police Chiefs Council] guidance telling officers that racial equity does not mean treating everyone the same or being colour blind. The Hampshire Race Action Plan committing to pursue offenders causing harm to ethnic minority communities specifically. The College of Policing practice bank covering white privilege, white fragility and intersectionality. [snip]
The ideology that produced this book club does not respect party boundaries. It has captured British policing across both parties and across decades. This week Shabana Mahmood stood at the despatch box and said the police have a sacred duty to act without fear or favour. She is right. A senior officer book club designed to make the strategic leadership of British policing confront their inner white supremacy is not consistent with that duty. It is its precise opposite.
The question Henry Nowak’s death demands is not whether individual officers made a mistake. It is whether the ideology embedded in British policing at every level, from the book clubs of senior officers to the diversity training of frontline constables, is compatible with the absolute impartial service to the law that Peel demanded and that every officer still swears to uphold.
That is not to say that the officials are not solely to blame in the handling of the stabbing murder of Henry Nowak. Their actions defy defense: They took too long to get to the scene, they defied ordinary common sense in ignoring obvious wounds, reading Henry his rights as he slipped into unconsciousness, handcuffing and dragging him over gravel as he pleaded that he was dying and could not breathe. Afterward, perhaps trying to find some post-mortem justification for the murder or their despicable conduct, they seized Nowak’s phone and that of his father, looking in vain for racist remarks, which in “batshit crazy Britain” (credit Katie Hopkins) remains a worse crime if by non-protected persons than does murder.
Indeed, once the cops figured out that Vickrum Digwa was the stabber and Nowak was dead, they did not handcuff him. Instead, they accompanied him to the police station, where they allowed him the food of his choice. Even more damning, three days after the police were well aware of what occurred, they tried, but failed, to portray Nowak as the aggressor. Only his family’s outraged response checked that planned deflection.
The murder took place in December. The British press doe not let people know what’s important to know, in part because there are in the UK restrictions on press coverage during trials. Until the close of the trial and Digwa’s conviction when the body cam footage of the police arrest of Nowak was made available, the public knew little more than that Nowak was an upstanding young man who had been stabbed and died. A few days ago (which is over five months later), the Telegraph offered up a detailed timeline of the murder and the police actions.
The overly compliant British public seems finally to be aroused, and in a further act of official self-protection, an inquest into the matter was just postponed for 15 months. Nevertheless, the coroner announced that it is compelled to do its job now. Since Nowak was stabbed five times, had two chest wounds, two leg wounds, a groin wound, and a face cut, his mouth was filled with blood and he was clearly exsanguinating as he was being dragged and handcuffed, I doubt the coroner will find anything to exonerate anyone on the force.
In the meantime, as the details of the murder of Henry Nowak are more widely known, public outrage against Labour, wokism, two-tier policing grow. On Saturday, there were reports of the public entering police stations and taking a knee for Henry. Online, thousands of Britons are doing the same. A public already sick of Starmer and his policies is only angrier by the day, and you can bank on his party trying to stem the tide by forcing his resignation as soon as they settle on a replacement.
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