Ever since the 1979 Iranian Revolution that overthrew the U.S.-backed Shah to usher in the Islamic Republic, Iran has presented the United States a difficult and very often frustrating foreign policy challenge. Successive U.S. administrations — both Democrat and Republican — have deemed Iran, and more specifically its radical militant Islamist leadership, a threat to the United States and its interests.
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Despite this longstanding adversarial relationship, often marked by violent, subversive, terroristic episodes — and now war over whether Iran will possess nuclear weapons — both Republican and Democrat administrations have, in good faith, reached out to Iran over the years with substantive deeds and diplomacy with hopes to restore and normalize relations.
There are precedents in U.S.-Iran relations for “disaster diplomacy,” with the intention that providing humanitarian assistance during calamities might be the impetus for cooperation, conflict resolution, and international relations. In June 1990, a private American relief airplane landed in Iran after the Manjil-Rudbar earthquake in the north and then again in June 2002 during another earthquake in northwest Iran. As U.S. aid arrived indirectly in early July 2002, President George Bush would publicly declare, “Human suffering knows no political boundaries.”
Earlier, in 1991, thousands of Kurdish refugees who fled Saddam Hussein’s Iraq after the Gulf War were camped along the Iran-Iraq border. This exodus prompted a large-scale military humanitarian operation, dubbed PROVIDE COMFORT, that included an Air Force transport flying the first government mission to Iran since the embassy hostages’ release in January 1981. On April 27, 1991, that military transport landed in Iran with more than 15 tons of blankets for Kurdish refugees. Iran watchers thought that humanitarian flight might be a catalyst to thaw relations; however, Iran’s leaders expressed no appreciation for the relief supplies and rejected further offers of assistance.
Later came extra efforts by President George W. Bush’s administration to further engage Iran, even extending uniquely American generosity to bring the two nations together. During Mr. Bush’s two terms, diplomats met quietly in Paris and Geneva. There were exchange programs, “sports diplomacy,” and European interlocutors. The U.S. ambassador in Iraq met an Iranian delegation in Baghdad, while the U.S. backed third-party European Union efforts to negotiate with Iran over its then nascent nuclear program.
But perhaps no U.S. effort was more sincere about rapprochement than one that began the day after Christmas 2003. While Americans likely recall the 2004 South Asia tsunami, exactly one year earlier — December 26, 2003 — a powerful magnitude 6.7 earthquake struck near the ancient Iranian city of Bam in southeastern Iran. Unreinforced mud brick buildings crumbled, killing thousands as they slept. Killing nearly 30,000, injuring 30,000 more, leaving 75,000 without basic essentials, and destroying almost 90 percent of the city, the Bam earthquake was that year’s worst global natural disaster.
Despite strained relations dating to 1979, the U.S. did not hesitate to offer humanitarian assistance to Iran. When briefed on the disaster, President Bush extended his condolences and pledged that America “[stood] ready to help the Iranian people.” On the day after Christmas 2003, Bush administration officials worked to help the calamity’s victims by first briefly engaging Iran through the Swiss, whose diplomats had represented American interests in Iran since the hostage crisis. Later that December day, the U.S. moved to deal directly with the Iranian government, so serious were conditions in Bam. Deputy secretary of State Richard Armitage contacted Iran’s counselor in the U.S., Mohammad Zarif, who accepted the U.S. offer of assistance.
Over a brief period from December 27 to 29, 2003, the U.S. flew a total of 11 military transport missions, airlifting some 338,000 pounds of humanitarian aid totaling some $10.5 million in assistance from Kuwait to Kerman Air Base, 120 miles from Bam. U.S. Air Force air crews labored alongside Iranian civilians and military personnel to manually unload each U.S. aircraft arriving with aid for the people of Bam.
The U.S. also issued a general waiver allowing almost a dozen nongovernmental organizations to provide humanitarian relief. The aid included water, medical supplies, food, and specialized search and rescue teams, as well as deploying an 81-member U.S. disaster response team, including specialists from USAID and FEMA.
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When the job was done, handshakes were exchanged, pictures taken, and goodbyes said. Regrettably, no further missions were flown for the earthquake victims after December 29, and the Iranian government rejected further assistance. On February 22, 2005, yet another earthquake hit southern Iran, killing over 600 people. Again, the U.S. offered aid, which Iran declined.
Tehran’s consistent response to U.S. humanitarian efforts: the aid had “no political character.” The Bam earthquake episode never appeared to advanced diplomatic efforts between the nations. Iran similarly foresaw, or desired, no disaster-induced political changes. Iran’s U.N. envoy, Javad Zarif, said, “We appreciate the importance of the humanitarian gesture … the United States said this is for humanitarian purposes, and that is how we have taken it.” Iran’s President Mohammad Khatami expressed similar sentiments. “Humanitarian issues should not be intertwined with deep and chronic political problems. If we see a change both in the tone and behavior of the U.S. administration, then a new situation will develop in our relations.” The Islamic Republic would further outright reject a White House offer to send a high-level delegation after the Bam assistance.
The U.S. has previously endeavored to engage Iran with sincere acts of goodwill in hopes of sparking the restoration and normalization of relations. Iran has not reciprocated with any corresponding gestures or initiated attempts to restore and normalize relations.
Although these humanitarian efforts by the U.S. by no means cover the totality of the post-1979 Iran-U.S. relationship with its many episodes, they are representative of Iran’s intransigence in making any genuine attempts at establishing improved relations for the mutual benefit of both nations, the region, or the international community.
Despite prospects and opportunities for U.S. outreach to Iran via disaster diplomacy through the years, none ever progressed into improved relations or provided a pathway to resolve major issues even its regional neighbors have with Iran’s malign activities. Instead, the two nations remain at loggerheads over Iranian nuclear weapons ambitions and are now engaged in hostilities.
Today, Trump administration efforts to negotiate with Iran’s leadership are colliding with the same exasperating realities of dealing with the Islamic Republic of Iran. On those several occasions so far when the President has decided to pause U.S. attacks to allow more time for diplomacy, Iran has predictably responded with delay, obfuscation, and no intent or effort to resolve enduring differences.
Maybe the president and the American public must accept the proposition that any good faith efforts to negotiate an end to hostilities and Iranian nuclear ambitions will — from our past learned experience — be met with ingrained Iranian intransigence and outright resistance.
Colonel Chris J. Krisinger, USAF (ret.) graduated from the United States Air Force Academy and served in policy advisory positions at the Pentagon and twice at the Department of State. He is a distinguished graduate of the Naval War College and was also a National Defense fellow at Harvard University. To continue the discussion: [email protected].
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