From the very beginning, and for a century afterward, Americans often referred to their country as an experiment. And for very good reason.
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At the time, almost all civilizations were monarchies. Indeed, many Europeans expected Washington to become king of the colonies, or at the least dictator, and were surprised when he did not even try. They were just as surprised when he stepped down from the presidential office, thereby cementing a peaceful transition of power. (A minority of Americans also considered a monarchy out of habit.)
The type of government the Americans had concocted was a novelty. Initially, soon after declaring independence without achieving it, they cobbled together the Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union; in a reaction against authoritarian government, they created a government without any authority. After independence, it proved worthless — what James Madison referred to as “in fact nothing more than a treaty of amity of commerce and of alliance, between so many independent and sovereign states.” The Dutch Republic, the Amphictyonic League, and the Swiss confederacy were similarly organized, with mixed outcomes. Indeed, some in the states’ governments thought of declaring war on others over boundaries and trade. It must be kept in mind that people considered themselves Americans and Virginians (or Georgians, etc.); they still do.
They tried again. But what to create? The reader should not make the common mistake of thinking the present form of government was inevitable and logical. It could have taken any number of forms.
The Founding Fathers, like all educated people, were well versed in the history of ancient Greece and Rome. They, particularly Madison, had examined the forms of government that had previously existed, thereby learning the lessons of history.
A democracy was out of the question because of the sheer size of the country. Leaving dictatorships, oligarchies, and monarchies aside, they settled on a republic — but of what form? (For example, to avoid dictatorship, Rome had two consults [presidents], who alternated days when wielding power.) Each region had its own concerns and identity. How much authority should the executive have, and how far could it extend? How much Congress, and how far? What guarantee was there that the central government would not eliminate freedoms? What guarantee was there for the central government to veto state laws?
Large states such as Virginia and Pennsylvania thought it absurd that tiny states should have the same importance as them (as in the Senate), whereas small states thought they would be ignored if representation went by population size (as in the House of Representatives). Hence, the bicameral Legislature and the Electoral College. Can the central government carry out actions not specifically outlined in the Constitution? (Thomas Jefferson and James Madison were of the opinion that it did not; Jefferson jettisoned this principle with the Louisiana Purchase, even though there was nothing in the Constitution about purchasing additional territory.)
Eventually, the Founding Fathers crafted the Constitution and sent it to all the states to ratify. Unanimous ratification was not a certainty, which is why Hamilton, Madison, and Jay put out a series of articles in newspapers giving the reasons for ratification. Significantly, they used Roman noms de plume.
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There could have been a United States of America without, say, Connecticut. Some states announced they would not join unless a Bill of Rights was included. Once the government was in session and the first ten amendments were passed, some of the holdouts joined the Union.
The Constitution is devoid of flowery language. It is simply a manual on how to run the government. Over the years, it has been tweaked — such as senators now being popularly elected instead of appointed by the states, which was originally a measure to prevent the federal government from crushing the states’ local authority.
Over the years, partly because of comity and partly because of planning, the rigid decentralization of political power became set in stone. This was one of the things that has made the American Constitution truly unique. The other is the Bill of Rights, which is a protection against government overreach. By contrast, in so-called democracies in Europe (that look down on America), the people have lost free speech and a free press. The Supreme Court has rigidly upheld the Bill of Rights and the principle of comity in legal matters not pertaining to the U.S. Constitution (such as how many persons can be in a jury).
The Constitution was engineered to protect the public from people like Democrats. It — not the Republicans — saved us in 2020–2024. One of the Democrats’ stated goals is to “pack” the Supreme Court with ideological fanatics who will make censorship and persecution of religious people legal, among other things. However, they are not aware of a defense that the Court has. Just as it has ruled against congressional overreach toward the executive, and vice versa, a Democrat-controlled government that legislates additional ideological allies to the Court could be ruled congressional overreach, and said faux judges could not be admitted. The Court could conceivably eject judges, just like how Congress can eject members.
When the United States was first created, European rulers were certain that the United States would follow historical precedent and become a dictatorship, dissolve, or plunge into civil war. Though they were proven right in 1860 with regard to a civil war, the Union nevertheless held firm. At the same time, America was seen as an example of what could be done in other countries. To this day, the American flag has been flown by people in countries oppressed by dictatorships, such as Cuba and Hong Kong (at the same time that Democrats burn the flag).
So, to sum up, the experiment has been a success.
Armando Simón is originally from Cuba, a retired psychologist and historian, author of When Evolution Stops, Stories for Lions and Other Felines, and The Transgender Cult: Psychology, Politics, Religion and the Media.
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