{"id":4955,"date":"2026-08-21T10:27:35","date_gmt":"2026-08-21T10:27:35","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/interstatelogisticshubs.com\/?p=4955"},"modified":"2026-08-21T10:27:35","modified_gmt":"2026-08-21T10:27:35","slug":"cuba-the-revolution-that-needs-its-enemies","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/interstatelogisticshubs.com\/?p=4955","title":{"rendered":"Cuba: The Revolution That Needs Its Enemies"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Old one\u2026<\/div>\n
\n
Q: What did Communists use to light the night with before candles?<\/em><\/div>\n
A: Electricity.<\/em><\/div>\n
That is the kind of joke that survives because it is simple enough to tell in a bar, and true enough to sting.<\/div>\n
In Havana these days, the joke has acquired an uglier second life.<\/div>\n
Fidel Castro would have turned 100 on August 13. The government marked the occasion with the familiar apparatus of revolutionary remembrance, and, increasingly, candles. Not birthday candles, but the kind a family keeps in the kitchen for when the electricity disappears again. The juxtaposition is almost unbearably sad.<\/div>\n
\n
\"Castro<\/figure>\n<\/div>\n
Cuba is an island to which nature has been extravagantly generous. Havana was a beauty that no government created, and no government could claim its own. The Malec\u00f3n<\/em>, the grand hotels, the tobacco country and the music seemed to flow from the very walls. The republic had its injustices and its corruption. But it was not poor in possibility, and that distinction matters.<\/div>\n
The revolution came promising to liberate Cuba from its failures. Seventy years later, it is largely occupied with managing them, and the irony becomes even more remarkable when one examines what now keeps the revolutionary economy alive.<\/div>\n
For generations, Havana taught Cubans that American capitalism was not merely an alternative economic system but an instrument of exploitation. Foreign ownership was corruption, private capital was suspect, and dependence upon the United States was the original sin of la Vieja Rep\u00fablica<\/em>.<\/div>\n
Yet in 2026, American fuel is reaching Cuba through private Cuban businesses. Under changes made by Washington, American companies have been permitted to sell fuel to private Cuban enterprises, which have been distributing it in a country where the state has struggled to supply it; Reuters reported this month that roughly 900,000 barrels of U.S. fuel were imported between February and May. (Investing)<\/div>\n
The irony carries a certain elegance. The state cannot reliably supply the fuel; private Cubans can, and it comes from the country Havana has spent seven decades teaching them to distrust.<\/div>\n
The revolution has not suddenly discovered the philosophical virtues of capitalism. It has discovered something considerably less abstract: capitalism tends to produce things. Fuel is one of them.<\/div>\n
The Cuban government is consequently being forced to reconsider arrangements that once appeared fundamental to revolutionary orthodoxy. In June, the National Assembly approved 176 economic reforms aimed at expanding private enterprise and attracting foreign investment, according to Reuters. (EuroNews)<\/div>\n
Havana insists this is not a retreat from socialism. Perhaps, in the narrow technical sense, it is not. But history has always been more interested in what governments do than in the names they give their actions. A government that once regarded private enterprise as an ideological contaminant is now asking it to help rescue the economy. It is capitalism being summoned to the bedside of a dying socialist patient.<\/div>\n
It would be intellectually lazy, however, to attribute Cuba’s entire predicament to Washington. The American embargo and the Trump administration’s oil restrictions have plainly aggravated the crisis. But the embargo cannot explain seventy years of failure; the grid did not decay in a single presidential term, and state enterprises did not forget how to produce when Washington altered its oil policy. These are accumulated consequences.<\/div>\n
Even Miguel D\u00edaz-Canel, whose title is ‘president of Cuba’ has acknowledged the point, saying in June that the country’s economic model required urgent changes, pointing to bureaucratic obstacles and rules that prevent people from producing.<\/div>\n
For decades, Havana blamed Cuba’s failures on America. Now the regime is quietly admitting what it spent generations denying: Cuba’s problems will not be solved by Washington alone, and it is turning increasingly to its own private sector for the answer.<\/div>\n
The contradiction extends beyond the United States. China is supplying food, having committed 60,000 tons of rice to Cuba, and Russia remains another important source of energy, financing, and diplomatic support. The arrangement would be almost comic were its consequences not visited upon people who had far less choice in the matter than the men who designed it.<\/div>\n
The revolution was built, in large measure, on the argument that Cuba’s dependence upon the United States was the source of everything that ailed the island and breaking that dependence became one of its central promises. Seventy years later, the dependency has not disappeared. What has changed is the explanation: Havana now blames Washington’s refusal to do business with the regime for the failure of the very system that was supposed to make Cuba independent.<\/div>\n
And somewhere inside this peculiar arrangement sits GAESA, the military conglomerate that controls enormous portions of the Cuban economy, and which Washington has made a target of its pressure campaign. Havana disputes the American figures, but the larger question stands: who controls Cuba’s wealth, and why are ordinary Cubans standing in darkness while those institutions escape meaningful scrutiny? That is not a question revolutionary mythology answers easily.<\/div>\n
Fidel Castro’s centenary arrived amid ceremonies celebrating the man who transformed Cuba and altered the political history of the hemisphere. More than 1,500 foreign delegates gathered in Havana; the mythology was polished for another generation. Outside the ceremonies, food is harder to obtain, young people contemplate leaving for Miami, Mexico, Spain, or wherever the future appears less rationed, and private Cubans now buy American fuel to keep their businesses alive.<\/div>\n
They came to Havana to celebrate the man who promised Cuba a future. They needed candles to see it.<\/div>\n
That image says something statistics cannot. Cuba is not merely an economic problem; it is a human tragedy unfolding on an island blessed with fertile soil, magnificent beaches, a strategic location, an educated population, and an extraordinary culture. Older Cubans \u2014 I was born there myself, in the mid-1950s \u2014 remember stores that were full, and streets that remained alive after sunset. They remember possibilities. Younger Cubans have inherited the consequences instead.<\/div>\n
That is why the economic reforms matter. They are not mere technical adjustments; they are an admission that the machinery of the revolution cannot produce enough of what the Cuban people require. The government is trying to open the economic door without opening the political one. That may work for a time. But once people discover private enterprise can produce what the state could not, another question becomes unavoidable, and it is the question every authoritarian economic system eventually encounters: why can’t we decide more of our own lives?<\/div>\n
It is also why Washington’s discussion of a possible Cuban transition matter.<\/div>\n
Secretary of State Marco Rubio has begun speaking not merely about sanctions, but about political change. Washington no longer behaves as though the present system is permanent, Havana no longer behaves as though its model is sufficient, and ordinary Cubans no longer behave as though patience is infinite. Nobody knows what happens when those three realities meet.<\/div>\n
But the irony is difficult to escape.<\/div>\n
The revolution that came to power promising to free Cuba from American capitalism now needs it to keep the economy moving. The revolution that promised Cuba a glorious future is asking its citizens to wait in the dark for it.<\/div>\n
Perhaps the old joke was never really about electricity.<\/div>\n
Perhaps it was about the promise.<\/div>\n
The promise that ideology could replace the messy machinery of human enterprise, that political purity could substitute for production, that a government could control nearly everything and somehow make everyone free. Cuba has spent seventy years testing that proposition, and the results are becoming difficult to ignore.<\/div>\n
The revolution still possesses its flags, its monuments, and its historical certainties. What it increasingly requires are the ordinary things it once condemned: capital, markets, private enterprise, foreign investment, and, remarkably, a little help from the enemies it spent a lifetime blaming.<\/div>\n
That is the tragedy of Castro’s Cuba.<\/div>\n
The revolution did not defeat capitalism.<\/div>\n
It survived long enough to need it.<\/strong><\/div>\n
Luis Gonzalez writes on power, politics, and the systems that quietly shape everyday life. Gonzalez owns and publishes <\/em><\/strong>The Last Wire<\/em><\/strong>, his online home for commentary, analysis, and the rabbit holes beneath the headlines. He also continues to publish at <\/em><\/strong>Boiling Frogs<\/em><\/strong>, the personal blog he launched in 2008. His work looks beyond the daily political noise to examine the incentives, institutions, and consequences that often get lost beneath the narrative.<\/em><\/strong><\/div>\n
Image: AI-generated illustration<\/em><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/p>

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Old one\u2026 Q: What did Communists use to light the night with before candles? A: Electricity. That is the kind of joke that survives because it is simple enough to tell in a bar, and true enough to sting. In Havana these days, the joke has acquired an uglier second life. Fidel Castro would have […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":4953,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[92,5],"tags":[1977],"class_list":["post-4955","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-cuba","category-foreign-policy","tag-related-topics-cuba-history-fidel-castro"],"yoast_head":"\nCuba: The Revolution That Needs Its Enemies - Interstate Logistics Hub<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/interstatelogisticshubs.com\/?p=4955\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Cuba: The Revolution That Needs Its Enemies - Interstate Logistics Hub\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Old one\u2026 Q: What did Communists use to light the night with before candles? 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