{"id":4562,"date":"2026-08-14T09:42:35","date_gmt":"2026-08-14T09:42:35","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/interstatelogisticshubs.com\/?p=4562"},"modified":"2026-08-14T09:42:35","modified_gmt":"2026-08-14T09:42:35","slug":"the-mohammunist-manifesto-the-promise-of-transitional-phase-slaughter","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/interstatelogisticshubs.com\/?p=4562","title":{"rendered":"The Mohammunist Manifesto\u2014The Promise of \u2018Transitional Phase\u2019 Slaughter"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

In revealing the commonalities of the Reds and the Greens in the Red-Green Axis, we have elucidated their shared goals of violence, wealth redistribution, inequality before the law, a binary world, monopoly rule by the elites, and controlling the totality of society. Here we explore the promise of transitional phase slaughter.<\/p>

Read more Pete Hegseth cuts the fat out of a bloated, politicized Pentagon<\/a><\/p>\n

Both Islamic political systems and Marxist-Leninist communism make two promises about the violent neutralization of internal rivals. The first is that it will happen: a transitional phase, necessary to secure the new order. The second is that it will end: temporary by design, giving way once the order is secure.<\/p>\n

Both systems keep the first promise and break the second.<\/p>\n

Marxism states both explicitly. Islamic political theory implies them structurally. Neither system\u2019s own history shows the second promise kept. In both, what was authorized as a passing emergency became, in practice, a standing condition, reopened by each generation against a new list of names.<\/p>\n

Marx and Engels wrote that between capitalist and communist society lies a transition period in which the state can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat. Lenin, in The State and Revolution<\/em>, built an entire argument on the promise attached to that dictatorship: it is temporary by definition because the state itself will \u201cwither away\u201d once class antagonism is eliminated and coercion becomes unnecessary. This is not a minor clause. It is the doctrine\u2019s central justification for tolerating the dictatorship at all.<\/p>\n

The Bolsheviks began implementing their slaughter within a year of taking power: the September 5, 1918, Decree on Red <\/em>Terror, which ordered class enemies isolated in concentration camps and authorized summary execution, was issued after the assassination attempt on Lenin and the killing of the Petrograd Cheka chief.<\/p>\n

The promised withering away did not follow. Nineteen years later, NKVD Order No. 00447, signed by Nikolai Yezhov on July 30, 1937, launched a fresh purge against former kulaks, clergy, and members of long-banned opposition parties, with an initial quota of 75,950 executions that regional officials repeatedly petitioned Moscow to raise.<\/p>\n

Archival research puts executions under this order specifically at roughly 387,000; combined with parallel operations against national minorities and other categories, the wider Great Terror killed roughly 681,000 by the time it wound down in November 1938. Yezhov himself was arrested within a year of signing the order and executed in February 1940.<\/p>\n

Mao\u2019s party, founded in 1921 with Comintern backing and built on the same Leninist premise, reached the identical point on its own: three decades after Russia\u2019s promised transition began, the Cultural Revolution reopened the same category of internal enemy under a different flag. The state did not wither.<\/p>\n

The list of names was simply refreshed.<\/p>\n

Islamic political theory offers a structurally similar promise without the same explicit vocabulary: the transitional phase exists to eliminate those who would fracture the order from within, so that the system can stabilize and the community can live under settled, unified authority. Apostasy (ridda<\/em>) is treated as capital, with no procedural cushion: a sane adult who leaves Islam is asked to repent and killed if he refuses.<\/p>\n

In December 632, in a garden near Aqraba afterward called the Garden of Death, Caliph Abu Bakr\u2019s forces under Khalid ibn al-Walid broke the army of Musaylima, a rival who had proclaimed himself a prophet. Some seven thousand of his followers were killed there.<\/p>\n

The episode is remembered as the end of the Ridda Wars, the specific crisis that triggered this transitional violence. The doctrinal category behind it, apostasy, did not end with the crisis, though. It outlived it by centuries.<\/p>\n

The Kharijites, suppressed at Nahrawan in 658, reappeared as a decentralized insurgency within years, recurred under the Umayyads, and sustained an organized rebellion against the Abbasid caliphate from 866 to 896, thirty years of intermittent war more than two centuries after the supposedly settling violence of 632.<\/p>\n

The same doctrinal category that ended Musaylima\u2019s revolt proved reusable against wholly different rivals in a wholly different century: in 1988, nine years after Iran\u2019s revolution and with the Iran-Iraq War just ended, Ayatollah Khomeini issued a fatwa ordering the execution of political prisoners, chiefly members of the Mojahedin-e Khalq and secular leftist parties, on grounds that included apostasy.<\/p>\n

A body informally called the Death Committee interrogated inmates already serving sentences about their beliefs and sent thousands to be hanged. Amnesty International\u2019s investigation puts the toll at a minimum of five thousand. The revolution\u2019s founding violence had not stabilized anything permanently. It had established a category that a religious authority could reopen against a new set of internal rivals, under the same doctrine, nearly a decade later.<\/p>\n

Whether Islam or socialism, both promise neutralization. Both deliver slaughter. Both promise temporariness. The honest difference between the two cases is where the promise of an endpoint actually lives.<\/p>\n

Marxism names its endpoint and dates its own failure to reach it: every purge after the first is a visible refutation of a specific, textual claim. Islamic political theory does not promise a date; it promises stability once rivals are neutralized, and stability is a condition a regime can simply declare, repeatedly, each time it neutralizes a new set of rivals, without ever contradicting a specific text the way renewed Soviet terror contradicts \u201cwithering away.\u201d That asymmetry does not weaken the parallel. It sharpens it.<\/p>

Read more America\u2019s AI lead depends on unleashing innovation<\/a><\/p>\n

The system with an explicit, checkable promise broke it in the most falsifiable way possible, repeatedly, for seven decades. The system with only an implicit promise never had to break anything because \u201cstability\u201d was never defined narrowly enough to be unavailable a second time, a third\u2014or an Nth.<\/p>\n

Both features point to the same conclusion by different roads: neither doctrine actually binds the ruling authority to an end state. One fails to reach the end state it named. The other simply renames the end state each time it needs to.<\/p>\n

The objection that classical law restrains the treatment of rebels, or that Marxist theory anticipates the state\u2019s eventual disappearance, mistakes a rule for a boundary and a promise for a limit.<\/p>\n

The restraint on rebellion (baghy<\/em>) is real, rooted in Ali\u2019s order at the Battle of the Camel not to kill the wounded or pursue the fled, but it never applied to apostasy, the category actually invoked against Iran\u2019s political prisoners in 1988, and later jurists disputed whether even that restraint survived once a defeated faction retained the capacity to reorganize.<\/p>\n

A promise that the state will someday wither is not a limit on what it may do before that day arrives. On Lenin\u2019s own terms, the dictatorship exists precisely because the day has not come, and no mechanism in the doctrine specifies when it must.<\/p>\n

Neither system offers an internal rival a clock he can watch. Both offer him a doctrine that can be turned against him again, by different hands, once the ruling authority decides the threat, or the instability, has returned. The transitional authoritarian phase is not a stage either system passes through and completes. It is a standing capacity, promised as temporary and renewed as needed, and in seven decades of one system and fourteen centuries of the other, neither has actually laid it down.<\/p>\n

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\"\"<\/figure>\n<\/p>\n

Image created using AI.<\/em><\/p>\n

Endnotes<\/strong><\/p>\n

1. al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul wa\u2019l-Muluk<\/em> (History of the Prophets and Kings), the primary classical narrative source for the Ridda wars and the Battle of Yamama.<\/p>\n

2. Ahmad ibn Naqib al-Misri, Reliance of the Traveller<\/em> (Umdat al-Salik<\/em>), trans. Nuh Ha Mim Keller (Amana Publications, 1994), section o8.1 on apostasy: a sane adult who voluntarily leaves Islam is to be asked to repent and, if he refuses, killed.<\/p>\n

3. On the restraint attached to rebellion (baghy<\/em>), rooted in Ali\u2019s order at the Battle of the Camel not to kill the wounded or pursue the fled, and on later jurists\u2019 dispute over whether it survives a defeated faction\u2019s capacity to reorganize, see Khaled Abou El Fadl, Rebellion and Violence in Islamic Law<\/em> (Cambridge University Press, 2001).<\/p>\n

4. On the Kharijite insurgency\u2019s recurrence from Nahrawan (658) through the Umayyad period and the thirty-year Abbasid-era rebellion of 866\u2013896, see Hugh Kennedy, The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates: The Islamic Near East from the Sixth to the Eleventh Century<\/em> (Routledge, 3rd ed., 2016).<\/p>\n

5. Amnesty International, Iran: Blood-Soaked Secrets: Why Iran\u2019s 1988 Prison Massacres Are Ongoing Crimes Against Humanity<\/em> (December 4, 2018), Index MDE 13\/9421\/2018, documenting Khomeini\u2019s 1988 fatwa, the Tehran \u201cDeath Committee,\u201d and a minimum death toll of approximately 5,000.<\/p>\n

6. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels on the transitional period: the state in the revolutionary transformation can be only the dictatorship of the proletariat. See the Critique of the Gotha Programme<\/em>; primary text at marxists.org\/archive\/marx\/works\/1875\/gotha.<\/p>\n

7. V. I. Lenin, The State and Revolution<\/em> (1917), especially the chapter \u201cThe Economic Basis of the Withering Away of the State.\u201d Primary text at marxists.org\/archive\/lenin\/works\/1917\/staterev.<\/p>\n

8. Sovnarkom, Decree on Red Terror<\/em> (September 5, 1918), which ordered the isolation of \u201cclass enemies\u201d in concentration camps and authorized summary execution.<\/p>\n

9. On NKVD Order No. 00447 (July 30, 1937), its initial execution quota, and the fate of Nikolai Yezhov, see J. Arch Getty and Oleg V. Naumov, The Road to Terror: Stalin and the Self-Destruction of the Bolsheviks, 1932\u20131939<\/em> (Yale University Press, 1999). On execution figures specifically, see Nicolas Werth, \u201cLes crimes de masse sous Staline, 1930\u20131953,\u201d in Stalinisme et nazisme: Histoire et m\u00e9moire compar\u00e9es<\/em> (\u00c9ditions Complexe, 1999), putting executions under Order 00447 at approximately 387,000, against roughly 681,000 for the Great Terror as a whole across all concurrent operations.<\/p>

Read more Education shuffling is worse than doing nothing<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

In revealing the commonalities of the Reds and the Greens in the Red-Green Axis, we have elucidated their shared goals of violence, wealth redistribution, inequality before the law, a binary world, monopoly rule by the elites, and controlling the totality of society. Here we explore the promise of transitional phase slaughter. Read more Pete Hegseth […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":4560,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[331,45],"tags":[1818],"class_list":["post-4562","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-islam","category-religion","tag-related-topics-islam-marxism-socialism"],"yoast_head":"\nThe Mohammunist Manifesto\u2014The Promise of \u2018Transitional Phase\u2019 Slaughter - Interstate Logistics Hub<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/interstatelogisticshubs.com\/?p=4562\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The Mohammunist Manifesto\u2014The Promise of \u2018Transitional Phase\u2019 Slaughter - Interstate Logistics Hub\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"In revealing the commonalities of the Reds and the Greens in the Red-Green Axis, we have elucidated their shared goals of violence, wealth redistribution, inequality before the law, a binary world, monopoly rule by the elites, and controlling the totality of society. 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